You may not be aware of this, but the Supreme Court on a regular basis summarily reverses rulings from around the country holding that a jury may find that police officers used excessive force in arresting people. These decisions are handed down without full briefing or oral argument on the basis that the officers are entitled to qualified immunity: that the factual record proves the officers acted reasonably at the time because no prior court rulings put the officers on notice that they were violating the Fourth Amendment. That pattern continues with a case from Vermont, where a protester was physically injured by the police after she refused a disbursal order.
The case is Zorn v. Linton, issued on March 21. Plaintiff was protesting the Governor's inauguration in Vermont; they were demanding universal health care. It was a passive-protest, in that the protesters did not fight with the police but they refused to move away when the police gave that directive. The police gave her a warning (threatening "pain compliance"), but plaintiff did not listen. So they lifted her up by her underarm after placing pressure on her wrist. This sequence caused plaintiff to suffer physical injuries.
Although the Second Circuit held the jury may find the officers used excessive force and that it was too early to grant the officers with qualified immunity, the Supreme Court, by a 6-3 vote, reverses, granting the officers immunity. Officers get immunity if they acted reasonably under the circumstances. This is one of the most complicated areas of constitutional law. Unless a case is directly on point, or quite close to the facts, then the officers are not on constructive notice that their actions are violating the Constitution. What it means for this case is as follows: while the Second Circuit denied immunity in another passive-protest case, Amnesty America v. West Hartford, 361 F.3d 113 (2d Cir. 2004), in that case, the Supreme Court says, the officers lost immunity because they inflicted physical harm without first warning the anti-abortion protesters. The Zorn case is different because the officers did give a warning. Immunity attaches because the Second Circuit has never held that the officers can be liable for excessive force even after they warned the protesters they will use "pain compliance" to break up the protest.
This immunity analysis, unique to constitutional claims for damages, essentially requires the plaintiff to identify case that is almost on all-fours with their case in order to avoid dismissal. It kills off a lot of good cases. In dissent Justice Sotomayor, writing on behalf of Justices Kagan and Jackson, says the Court majority is both misreading Amnesty America (there was a warning in that case) and narrowly applying the qualified immunity doctrine to knock out cases like this, a trend that has persisted at the Supreme Court quite some time.
A few observations about qualified immunity. The requirement that plaintiffs identify a case on point to avoid immunity is a judge-made rule that assumes (1) police officers will go bankrupt if they have to defend and possibly lose these cases where the law was not clearly-established at the time of the constitutional violation and (2) police officers are aware of case law developments in their jurisdiction and then apply that knowledge in the course of their duties. Neither factual predicate is true. Nearly all officers are indemnified by their municipalities, and police officers are not reading case law in their spare time.
Another observation: the Court in this case drops a footnote that assumes the body of law in the Second Circuit is relevant in determining whether the law was clearly-established. The Supreme Court has never actually told us whether that is true or whether we can only look to Supreme Court case law in solving the clearly-established puzzle. The Second Circuit -- most if not all circuits, really -- look to their own body of cases for this inquiry. But nothing stops the Supreme Court from limiting the pool of cases to Supreme Court authority. If that happens, say goodbye to many (perhaps not all) damages claims under the Constitution, as there are far fewer Supreme Court cases on civil rights than the Circuit Courts have to offer, making it much harder to find a case sufficiently on point to avoid qualified immunity.