The Supreme Court has ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment ensures that everyone born in the United States -- even if their parents are not authorized to be in this country -- are American citizens. This ruling resolves a contentious political and legal debate that accelerated when Donald Trump became President and said that the children of "illegal" immigrants are not citizens.
The case is Trump v. Barbara, issued on June 30. The Fourteenth Amendment, enacted following the Civil War, states as follows: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside." What does this mean? For the longest time, it was assumed that if you are born here, no matter who your parents are (with few exceptions, such if your parents are diplomats), then you are a citizen. But many legal issues that we thought were settled are not settled. For instance, the Second Amendment lie dormant for decades until the Supreme Court clarified in 2008 that it protects an individual right of gun ownership.
Chief Justice Roberts writes for the 6-3 majority, though bear in mind that Justice Kavanaugh rules in favor of citizenship but not based on his interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment but a federal statute. So, on the constitutional issue, this is a 5-4 ruling, remarkably close for an issue that most of us took for granted until Trump issued an Executive Order on January 20, 2025, the first day of his second term, stating that the children of parents who are unlawfully or temporarily present in the United States do not qualify for citizenship.
Roberts reviews the historical record and finds that under English common law (including case law and related legal precedents), children "born within the [sovereign's] dominions owed a natural "allegiance" to the sovereign who protected them at birth. This was the case regardless of how "momentous and uncertain" their presence. These children were "natural born subjects" under the English crown. As Roberts sees it, "this view crossed the Atlantic with the colonists -- and was adopted with little fanfare after the [American] Revolution, as "subjects' of the sovereign became 'citizens' of the States." This was true in all 13 original states. Scholarship in 1838 held that by "the doctrine of natural allegiance," all "who were born within the jurisdiction of a State" were citizens.
Moreover, Roberts observed, once immigrants started coming to the United States after its founding, emigres from the Old World were "assured that their children would be American citizens by birth alone." A seminal case from New York in 1844 held as such. This principle was colorblind, notwithstanding the Dred Scott decision in 1857 that said Blacks are not American citizens; that ruling was overturned by the Fourteenth Amendment. The Citizenship Clause, set forth in the Fourteenth Amendment, "mirrored the common law's criteria for citizenship."
What about the "subject to the jurisdiction" language in the Citizenship Clause? That language is not clear on its face and provides an opening for opponents to argue that many foreigners, who came to the U.S. without authorization, cannot give birth to citizens here. As Roberts sees it, under Nineteenth Century dictionary definitions (a common source for the Supreme Court in divining the meaning of statutes and constitutional provisions), "to be 'subject to' the jurisdiction of the United States ... is to 'live under' its 'dominion.'" He adds, "The Citizenship Clause uses jurisdiction in its ordinary sense -- referring to the power of the United States to govern those within its territory." That would necessarily include so-called "illegal" immigrants and others here temporarily.
Justice Thomas dissents, primarily arguing that the Citizenship Clause was only intended to benefit the newly-freed slaves. Justice Alito writes in dissent that "the Fourteenth Amendment confers citizenship on only those children who, at birth, owe allegiance solely to this country," Alito then offers an extensive history of "illegal" immigration in the United States, particularly from the 1970s onward, concluding that "the Court's interpretation preserves a powerful incentive to enter or remain in this country illegally," as "[i]mmigrants naturally prefer affluent countries where economic opportunities are available," and that other than Canada, "the United States will be the only affluent nation where birth alone is enough to establish citizenship." Alito concludes that the majority ruling is "a mistake that will seriously affect the country's future."
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